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《無人之境》

作曲：Eric Kwok
填詞：黃偉文
編曲：Eric Kwok
歌手：陳奕迅

讓理智在叫著冷靜冷靜　還恃住年少氣盛
讓我對著衝動背著宿命　渾忘自己的姓

沉睡的凶猛在甦醒　完全為你現形
這個世界最壞罪名　叫太易動情　但我喜歡這罪名

＊驚天動地　只可惜天地亦無情
不敢有風　不敢有聲　這愛情無人證
飛天遁地　貪一刻的樂極忘形
好想說謊　不眨眼睛　這愛情無人性＊

若世界陷進大騙局裡面　朋友亦難以發現
共你隔著空在秘密通電　挑戰道德底線

如若早三五年相見　何來內心交戰
我信與你繼續亂纏　難再有發展　但我想跟你亂纏

Repeat ＊

即使間　整個約會情調幽暗似地下城　還是算溫馨
多麼想跟你散步橋上把臂看著風景　但是我清醒
月亮總不肯照亮情慾深處那道背影
你我像快快樂樂同遊在異境
浪漫到一起惹絕症

不想說明　只想反應

-http://www.scmp.com/portal/site/SCMP/menuitem.d88dcc3883fcc0c951249cc553a0a0a0/?s=idx_Opinion

這首詞，真是一絕；歌，聽了一次就暗叫「中呀」，「中」了我杯茶。雲上野鷺看著人類如何倒果為因，暴殄天物。

《活著》

作曲：徐偉賢
填詞：周博賢
編曲：周博賢
歌手：謝安琪

揉著睡眼的山丘伴晨光嶄露　叢林下有野鷺輕踏泥沼赤足起舞
和諧平靜清早景象　　誰人曾又坐下來一睹

圍著霧的冰水任瓶邊結露　凝聚漸厚過後交匯成川滲於檯布
神奇而極普通的景象　誰人曾又會靜來一睹

＊人們忙為了幹活如踏高速公路　前行無辦法暫停一步
長埋頭在幹　最後忘掉了好好的活
尋覓快樂　但得到全是雜物或皂泡

步伐極度急速　心窩燙似赤道
視覺感官給消耗　接近麻木大肆暴殄美好
月亮睡在窗邊　不知道　
淡白薄薄窗紗　倚風舞擺　不知道　已到達極迷糊程度＊

繁忙地鐵內速遞老翁上路　人叢內有學童相讓坐位細心周到
鄰人扶助溫馨的景象　誰人曾又會定神一睹

Repeat＊

步伐極度急速心窩燙似赤道　視覺感官給消耗　競技場內大肆暴殄美好
絕妙事在身邊　不知道　
越踏步越糟糕　執起刺刀　相煎熬　已到達極淪亡程度

雲霧上那野鷺俯瞰人間國度　茫然地叫好比哀悼童心再找不到
緩緩沉落山邊沼澤　停叢林內暗淚流一道

Donald Tsang’s retreat on universal suffrage could be the spark to stir the public into action

History may record that the most unlikely of people, Donald Tsang Yam-kuen, unwittingly proved to be the lightning rod that sent Hong Kong on the path to democracy by forcing the people to realise that the government will not deliver universal suffrage and that they will have to fight for it themselves.

This week, his administration flagrantly broke its seemingly unambiguous promise to settle the problem of democratic reform. And it had the audacity to suggest that the best way forward was to march backwards by reviving the old, colonial democracy-blocking device of increasing the number of functional constituencies in the legislature.

It has been suggested that the government’s current plans are little more than a modification of the failed 2005 plan for constitutional reform. This is incorrect; they are far worse, precisely because they so blatantly contradict assurances given by the chief executive on many occasions but most often during the farcical election campaign that brought him to office.

The public can now clearly see that the government has not the slightest intention of working towards universal suffrage. This produces a historic opportunity for mobilising the Hong Kong public; but it needs to be treated with caution because not only can things get out of hand but the aggressively intransigent nature of the government’s plans may invite intemperate action that will backfire.

It would, for example, be little short of suicide for democratic legislators to vote either for or against the bill that the government will eventually present to the chamber. A vote against invites accusations that the democrats are blocking reform, while a vote in favour gives endorsement to the unacceptable.

It would be far more effective to simply boycott the whole charade and allow the government to enjoy North Korean-style unanimity among its supporters in the Legislative Council. Those who are committed to the creation of democracy in Hong Kong have better things to do and need play no part in this farce.

While the government and its acolytes busy themselves with erecting new barriers to prevent the realisation of universal suffrage, democrats have no choice but to embark on the hard road of mobilising public support in the streets and everywhere else except Legco itself, where the cards are too heavily stacked.

There is already a mood of disillusion and anger surrounding the Tsang administration, which is seen as providing comfort to the very comfortable, favouring cronyism over popular participation and downright lying over its intentions.

We are probably not at the stage reached when a popular mobilisation was sufficient to thwart the Tung Chee-hwa administration’s oppressive anti-civil-liberties legislation, but democrats should take comfort from the Tsang administration’s arrogant stupidity.

It could easily have diluted discontent over its proposals by offering at least a few crumbs of compromise to those seeking democracy, such as abolishing some of the more flagrant rotten boroughs in the functional constituencies and by announcing some kind of vague timetable leading towards universal suffrage. Instead, it presents a destination sign board as a road map.

This is not a smart government; on the contrary, it seems almost determined to force a confrontation, no doubt hoping that its opponents will be even dumber than it is and will thus fall into the many traps that lie ahead. The crazy idea of democrats resigning from Legco to force by-elections no doubt gave them comfort in this regard.

However, a lack of smart tactics on behalf of the democrats is not to be taken for granted now that there is an open-and-shut case for mobilising the freedom-loving people of Hong Kong.

Given a stark choice between the continuation of a deeply flawed system of government and one that works in practically every civilised country, the people of Hong Kong will have little hesitation in making their choice.

By coincidence, these proposals have come forward on the 20th anniversary of the collapse of the Berlin Wall and the fall of communism in Eastern Europe. The unimaginable rapidly became reality.

Democracy in Hong Kong may be equally unimaginable today, yet nothing is forever. Change will not come without effort but, fortunately, this is a place where effort is part of the DNA.

Read the full version（原文刊於南華早報20/11/2009）: Here

奧巴馬當選美國總統一周年，其功過如何？且看看美國紐約時報給他的第一張成績單。

《Animal Spirits: How Human Psychology Drives the Economy, and why it Matters for Global Capitalism (動物精神)》，聞說被美國《金融時報》封為「2009年商業金融好書」，但這卻不是我拿它來看的原因。實情是，但凡是反思當今主流經濟學的自大虛妄的，我都有興趣。

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解釋解釋解釋，人類最喜歡做的事情就是解釋。而本書作者就告訴你，世上發生的重要事件，幾乎全都是「黑天鵝效應」－－你不能完滿解釋、只能事後孔明的事情。它不是單純的「不可知論（Agnosticism）」。

中譯本很難讀，那些中文真的很難讀。

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承接《怪雞經濟學》，再以「經濟學」的（其中一種）視角，解釋種種日常社會現象。可是，在書還未正式開賣之前，已經被美國知識份子們批評為賣書而弄虛作假或斷章取義。書中最惹人非議的一章，是談到「全球冷化（global cooling）」的。

朋友都在等中文版，我卻想先睹為快。